How the World Bank turns meanings to its advantage.
With all the paradigmatic changes the World Bank has been promoting in the field of social policies, one element never changed in the past thirty years. Social policies were meant for the poor, governments had to find the best ways to target those who really needed their help.
The reasoning is simple: poor people, as was spelled out in its first World Development Report on Poverty of 1990[1], were those left behind by growth and by governments. The wrong policies were applied so that poor people did not get access to labour markets and, moreover, these labour markets were made more difficult to enter because of minimum wages and other ‘protective’ rules the poor did not really care about. If one really wanted to help the poor, one had to abolish all these well-meant but adverse policies. Open, deregulated markets, at the local and the global level, were the best programmes for the poor. In its ‘Doing Business’ Report of 2013[2], the World Bank still considered fixed term contracts and 50-hour workweeks as positive achievements, whereas premiums for night-work and paid annual leave were on the negative side[3].
As for the not-so-poor or middle classes, these people are said to have enough resources to buy the insurances they want on the market. Insurances are an economic sector and there is no reason why States or governments should get involved in it[4]. Solidarity is one of the words that has always been shunned by the international financial organisations. Continue reading
The privatisation of public pension systems has delivered vast returns to a tiny financial elite while diminishing the incomes of workers in retirement.
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While different countries in Europe are living a period of social unrest and thousands of people reclaim the streets for social and climate justice, the IMF is proposing a new social contract and ‘re-imagining social protection’… The question then clearly has to be: do we allow international financial institutions to debate our social future or do we want to reclaim this very important topic?
We know the problems: the threats of climate change and loss of biodiversity, pressure on wages, persistent poverty and unacceptable inequalities.
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Workers across the globe are struggling to make ends meet, believe their jobs are insecure and don’t believe their voices matter in politics according to a new global public opinion poll from the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).
Beyond SDG’s and SPF’s: social commons as a strategy tool for social justice and systemic change
When The Economist puts universal health care on its cover we should welcome this ‘social turn’ but we should also reflect very seriously on what is happening and why.
For almost thirty years now, right-wing and neoliberal forces have been dominating and shaping the discourse – and consequently the practice – on social policies. They do not talk about social justice, obviously, since justice is far away from their objectives, but they have been dominating and shaping the new thinking on poverty, social protection, health care and education.
The tragedy in all this is that the left has grossly abandoned its social ambition. For the radical left, social protection is counter-revolutionary and something for dummies and sissies. After the revolution, social justice will fall out of the sky. The moderate left is happy with the existing international initiatives. It means that this once high priority topic for all progressive forces is being neglected. We are now paying the price for this. Social protection has been taken out of our hands.
What I want to explain in this presentation is, one, why we have to reclaim our economic and social rights and go beyond the currently existing international initiatives, such as the SDGs (Sustainable Development Goals) and SPFs (Social Protection Floors), and, secondly, how social commons can be a strategic tool for striving towards social justice. Continue reading
Look at this short video for a simple and clear explanation on what social commons are:
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